The Big Society: A Realistic Objective or a Political Myth?

Chapter 1 IntroductionSocio-political backgroundThe connection surrounded by obliging society and the verbalize reflects the changing nature of the popular private interaction and poses questions about the role of giving medication in advanced capitalist societies. The ceaselessly changing dynamics of the national-private co subsistence is a direct response to the processes of globalization and sophisticatedization, which brook placed the body politic in an entirely different realm, and rush challenged its parameters as a political entity.On the international level, what Samuel Huntington called the third loop of democratization (1991) has seen the globalization of world politics, and according to somewhat, the undermined capacity of the state (Cerny, 1990 Scholte, 2006 Rosenau 1990). The third wave of democratization in the world has likewise been marked by the draw close of the global well-bred society and the increasing power of non-governmental organizations a nd associations (Bull, 1977).On the domesticated level, a similar process keister be traced. Throughout the determination several decades, the traditional political ubiquity of the state has been challenged, with the rise of genteelised society and associational country (Baccaro, 2002). The state no longer pull throughs in its exhausted and narrow confinement as a provider of cosmos go. Its functions, theorists like Baccaro argue, absorb been divulged to the local communities and voluntary associations, which boast become the modernistic pillar non only of everyday opinion, but also for frequent advocacy in legislature. urbane society challenges the modern state to some extent, but its functions do non aim to undermine its capabilities. As this speaking go forth argue, they seek to reinforce them.1.2 Research aimsThis dissertation result hear the feasibility and sustainability of the crowing golf-club mold as a put of political governance. In order to do th is, the author will emphasis on the connection between the private and the public in the present-day(a) state, and will assess the resuscitating power of civil society in the public sector. It will illustrate the theoretical connection between the two with the critical analysis of a rather contemporary juxtaposition between civil society and the state, resolved by the Conservative Party in 2010. specialised aspects will cover the shift of state powers from the public to the private realm.1.3 historic trends before the double bon tonAlthough the sizeable hunting lodge was represented as a strategy by the Conservative Party, its ideological tenets suffer be assemble in earlier observations, related to the rise of an independent civil state and community intimacy.Attempts to accommodate civil society and the state in the alike(p) political equation have started at the turn of the last century, with a deep reconsideration of the main characteristics of advanced capitalist s ocieties and the role of the state. A predateing Marxist theorist, Antonio Gramsci proposes a classic division between the state and non-state elements of governance in his Selections from the Prison Notebooks (1971). He views civil society as an organic entity, which exists beyond the realm of the government. The controversy in his theoretical lay of governance comes from the exaggerated view that the civil society can exist as a self-regulatory body in a stateless world. A much moderate view on the connection between civil society and the state is proposed by sociologist Max Weber. In his Politics of the Civil federation Weber discusses the idea of public citizenship and its role in megabucks democracy. He discusses civil society not as an alternative, but as a cultivating force, obligatory for the existence of the modern state (Weber, 2004). The Weberian approach to spirit civil society suggests that the connection between the public and private is not of necessity exclus ionary, as suggested by the Marxists. In his 1962 Capitalism and Political Freedom, economic expert Milton Friedman discusses economic neo-liberalism as an primal prerequisite for political freedom of the citizens. He emphasizes the central role of the government as a provider of legislature, which would bring down property rights and civil institutions. Friedmans economic philosophy of government preventive suggests a model of public-private form of governance. In an extensive study on amicable movements called beyond Left and Right, Anthony Giddens goes even further and suggests that social movements atomic number 18 stronger advocates for change than political parties are (Giddens, 1994). Last but not least, in his wheel Alone Americas Declining Social Capital (1995) Robert Putnam uses the rectify of voluntary associations and civic engagement to explain the social decay of the American community. As symptoms of social apathy, he points out the political disengagement of the American public and its growing distrust to the government (Putnam, 1995). The ideological tenet of the boastful golf-club can also be related to what Lucio Baccaro calls associational democracy (2002). He describes associational democracy as the intersection between civil society and the state. Baccaros vision of decentralization and vestment of the local communities can be used to fit the stupendous Society into a wider theoretical realm. Baccaro offers a model of public-private governance, which reveals elements of societal conservatism bathroom the Big Societys main goal the shift of regulatory powers from the government bureaucrats into the hold of the people.It is not difficult to notice a historical trend on the changing divisions between civil society and the state. Last several decades have witnessed a major shift towards empowerment of the private sector, and transfer of powers and regulatory functions in the hands civil society organizations. This trend does not necessarily mean however that the state as a provider of go and individual well-being is in decline. On the contrary, this historic tipency suggests that civil society is a pillar, not a threat to the state and can act as a channel for reform in the public sector. The next section will examine its contemporary manifestations as a policy, proposed by David Cameron and the Conservative Party in 2010.1.4. What is the Big SocietyIn July 2010 in Liverpool, later the general elections, David Cameron re-launched the Big Society Programme, which was to become part of the political computer program of the new coalition government. The programme had five main tenets localism and much power for the communities volunteerism transfer of power from central to local government domiciliate of cooperatives, charities, and social enterprises transparency of government legislation (Cameron, 2010). Under the Big Society programme, initiatives such as the Big Society Bank and the National Citi zen good (NCS) were established.The idea behind the Big Society is to attribute more responsibilities to the citizens as tell apart participants in the policy-making process. According to David Cameron, its main purpose was to propose a ground up approach of governance, where power and ideas will withhold from the people (Cameron, 2010). The Conservative Party proposed the Big Society Project as the engine of public sector reform.The government indicated that the Big Society would empower local communities in their attempts to solve problems in their own neighborhood, and to voice their opinions.1.4.1 political orientationThe ideology behind the Big Society is an unconventional type of conservatism. It views booming governance as a hybrid between the private and the public sectors, and citizens initiative as a prerequisite for associational democracy. The idea behind the Big Society is very often confused with classic Marxism, which offers an complete and rather Utopian view of civic associations as a necessary replacement of the state. The rise of a big society however, does not intimate the demise of the state. The Big Society can be interpreted as a politically sensible response to the economic recession, poverty, and social breakdown. It has lead to Camerons recognition of the role of the public sector and volunteerism as antidotes of a disintegrating society (Bochel &038 Defty, 2010 Evans, 2011 Smith, 2010). The ideas of the Big Society diverge from the stance of some of David Camerons predecessors such as Margaret Thatcher, because it recognizes the role of non-state associations as advocates for political change and providers for the citizens. At the same time, it does not use the societal factor as an umbrella for a smaller government (Norman, 2011 Smith, 2010). Therefore, the ideology behind the Big Society can be described as societal conservatism. Societal should not be confused with social (or socialist), because the Big Society project doe s not exclude privatization within the welfare sector and public sector cuts.1.4.2 ResponsesThe Big Society project has provoked mixed responses. Its supporters claim that the idea to connect the public and the private sector as providers for the citizens is revolutionary and democratically advanced. Liberals tend to view this idea as innovative, because it emphasizes the role of the citizens in shaping modern day policy.The main criticisms of the Big Society are that is has been used to warrant the radical budget cuts in the public and social sectors, and is too utopian to be implemented in practice. A popular criticism points to the omit of citizens incentive and appropriate skills, which are prerequisites for a fulfilling civic participation (Grint &038 Holt, 2011 Hasan, 2010).1.4.3 topical anesthetic empowerment and decentralizationLocalism and decentralization have been key tenets on the Big society agenda. Some of the proposals, designed to empower local government activi ty and citizens include introducing directly elected mayors and police commissioners devolving the financial powers of local government increasing transparency and letting local citizens choose the organisational structure of their local council (Inside Government, 2011).The ideology behind local empowerment and decentralization is akin to the neo-liberal political thought. The transformation of local empowerment into an actual policy came to life in March 2011, when the Localism Bill was passed by the House of Commons despite controversies over social housing (Hodge, 2011). Some of the prescriptions of the Localism Bill have already been put into practice. Ministers have started giving councils greater financial freedom, by devolving ?7 billion more of government funding. They have removed burdens and bureaucratic controls so that they local governments can prioritize budgets to support public services in carriages, which meet the priorities of local people and communities (Commu nities &038 Local Government, 2011).This is one way to enhance reform in the public sector, as it will have more incentive for local governments to improve their services, and they will be change from recipients of policy, into actual initiators of one.1.4.4 VolunteerismAnother important tenet of the Big Society Project is the idea of volunteerism and civic associations. The new government has encouraged voluntary organizations and social enterprises, as another way to reform the public sector. Two of the key programmes, related to Big Society volunteerism are the National Citizens Service (NCS) and club Organizers. These two programmes target thousands of volunteers of all age groups and different social backgrounds nationwide, and their participation in community projects in 2011 and 2012 (Cabinet Office, 2011).The ideology behind volunterrism relates to associational democracy, which holds that democratization does not necessarily come from the state, but also from the citizen ry, with its accumulated incentives and skills. As far as policy is concerned, both NCS and Community Organizers already exist as programmes. Whether efficacy has been achieved will be discussed in detail in the following chapters.In general, the Big Society is an opportunity for citizens to participate in the actual process of policy-making and to provide first-hand feedback to those responsible for legislation. The most important component of the Big Society is the financial autonomy of the local councils, because it will play important part in the allocation of budgets. Local councils drive in the needs of their residents better than the national government (Smith, 2010 Norman, 2011). Their financial plans will be much more realistic and sustainable, targeting the public sectors policies, which have the biggest demand and have been starved for resources in the past. Financial decentralization can bring not only better quality of public sector services, but also more realistic re sponse to the actual needs of the local residents.1.5 SummaryThis chapter has traced the historical and policy features of the idea of the Big Society, and has examined some of its basic tenets. The remaining chapters will examine in detail the feasibility of the Big Society as a form of political governance, which can make local communities more involved in the policy-making process.Bibliography Baccaro, L. (2002) Civil Society Meets the State A Model of Associational Democracy. 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